OPINIONS
inion Current Newsroom Chad Dashly
But 2026 Will Decide Everything
In politics, momentum is everything—and in 2025, Pierre Poilievre lost his at the worst possible moment.
What was supposed to be a clear path to victory for the Conservative Party of Canada turned into one of the most dramatic reversals in modern Canadian political history. The sudden resignation of Justin Trudeau and the rapid ascent of Mark Carney reshaped the electoral battlefield almost overnight. Within weeks, a Conservative majority slipped away, replaced by a renewed Liberal mandate few saw coming.
And yet—despite losing the election—Poilievre is still here.
That alone tells you this story isn’t over.
A Leader Under Pressure
Poilievre enters the next phase of his leadership facing a difficult political reality. His party base remains loyal, but cracks are beginning to show elsewhere. Inside caucus, there are whispers of unease. Public polling continues to show him trailing Carney on key leadership metrics, particularly on the question of who Canadians trust to be prime minister.
The challenge is not just electoral—it’s personal. Poilievre built his brand on confrontation, clarity, and a relentless critique of Liberal governance. That approach energized a movement, but it also defined him in ways that are now proving difficult to expand beyond.
Recognizing this, Poilievre has begun a noticeable pivot. The sharper edges have softened. Media appearances are less combative, more personal. Long-form interviews and podcast appearances are replacing rapid-fire attacks. It’s a recalibration designed to make him more accessible, more relatable—and ultimately, more electable.
Whether that shift comes too late remains the central question.The Numbers Tell a Different Story
For all the talk of defeat, the underlying data paints a more complicated picture.
In 2025, the Conservatives didn’t collapse—they grew. The party increased its vote total significantly compared to 2021 and added seats in Parliament. By traditional measures, that’s progress. But politics isn’t judged in increments. It’s judged in wins and losses—and Poilievre lost a race many believed was his to take.
Still, there is one metric that may matter more than any other: young voters.
For years, Conservatives struggled to connect with Canadians under 35. Under previous leaders, they trailed badly with this demographic, often finishing a distant third behind both Liberals and New Democrats.
That changed under Poilievre.
Support among younger voters surged through 2023 and into 2025, reaching levels the party had not seen in decades. Even more striking, that support held firm during the Liberal comeback. While older voters shifted decisively toward Carney, younger voters largely stayed put.
That is not a small detail. It’s a structural shift.
In a political environment where long-term viability depends on generational alignment, Poilievre may have accomplished something quietly significant: he made the Conservative Party competitive with the next generation of voters.
Why the Liberals Won Anyway
If Poilievre gained ground, how did he lose?
The answer lies in who moved—and who didn’t.
The Liberal victory in 2025 was powered primarily by older Canadians abandoning the Conservatives, combined with a consolidation of progressive voters behind Carney. Younger voters didn’t drive the Liberal surge in the same way. Instead, they remained one of the few demographic groups where Conservative support proved resilient.
In other words, Poilievre didn’t lose everywhere. He lost where it mattered most.
The Case For—and Against—Poilievre
This is where the internal debate within Conservative circles becomes unavoidable.
Critics argue that Poilievre squandered a historic opportunity. He entered 2025 with a commanding lead and failed to close. His personal approval ratings lag behind his party’s support, raising concerns about whether he can ever fully convert momentum into victory.
Supporters see it differently.
They point to a growing voter base, increased seat count, and a breakthrough with younger Canadians. They argue that Poilievre has already done the hardest part—rebuilding the Conservative coalition—and that abandoning him now would mean starting over just as that work begins to pay off.
Both arguments hold weight. And that’s precisely why the question of his leadership remains unresolved.
2026: The Defining Moment
All of this sets the stage for what comes next.
A leadership review in 2026 will serve as a referendum not just on Poilievre, but on the direction of the Conservative Party itself. It will force members to answer a fundamental question: is Poilievre the leader who can expand the party’s reach—or has he already hit his ceiling?
To survive, Poilievre must do something he has not yet fully accomplished. He must bridge the gap between a passionate base and a broader electorate. That means winning back older voters who drifted away, while holding onto the younger coalition he worked to build.
It’s a delicate balance—and one that few political leaders manage successfully.
The Bottom Line
Pierre Poilievre is not finished.
But he is no longer inevitable.
He remains a leader with a strong base, a growing movement, and a genuine foothold among younger Canadians. At the same time, he carries the burden of a lost election that once looked like a sure thing.
The next chapter will determine whether 2025 was a temporary setback—or the moment his opportunity slipped away for good.
In Canadian politics, second chances are rare.
Poilievre may be about to find out if he gets one.
OPINIONS
The Establishment vs. The Grassroots: What the Teneycke-Russo Fight Says About Conservatism Today. Conservatives can be a Cantankerous Bunch.
Chad Dashly | The Current
Editorial note: Based on publicly available information, Kory Teneycke is one of the most influential conservative strategists in Canada. He served as communications director to former Prime Minister Stephen Harper, co-founded Rubicon Strategy, and managed multiple successful Ontario PC campaigns for Doug Ford. He has developed a reputation as a blunt, often controversial political operator who is willing to publicly criticize even members of his own political movement when he believes strategy is failing. (Wikipedia)
Anthony Russo appears to be a low level BC-based conservative activist, commentator, YouTuber and content creator with a growing presence on X and YouTube, where he focuses on grassroots conservative politics and leadership issues. (X (formerly Twitter))
For legal reasons, we cannot independently verify every allegation, criticism, or exchange between the two men, nor can we conclude that one person’s actions will definitely cause specific political consequences. This is an opinion discussing the broader political implications of a public feud between an establishment strategist and a grassroots activist.
By Chad Dashly | The Current
Politics has always been a battle of ideas.
Today, it is increasingly becoming a battle of tribes.
Over the past several weeks, one of the more interesting conservative skirmishes has not taken place in a legislature, a campaign war room, or a party convention hall. Instead, it has unfolded online, where BC activist and commentator Anthony Russo has repeatedly taken aim at veteran conservative strategist Kory Teneycke.
On the surface, it looks like a personality clash.
In reality, it represents something much bigger.
It is the latest chapter in a growing struggle between the conservative establishment and a newer generation of grassroots activists who believe the old playbook is broken.
To understand the conflict, you first need to understand the players.
Kory Teneycke is not simply another political commentator. He is one of the most successful conservative strategists in Canada. His fingerprints can be found on some of the biggest conservative victories of the last two decades. Whether serving Stephen Harper, helping build Sun News, or guiding Doug Ford’s Ontario campaigns, Teneycke has become part strategist, part operator, and part political celebrity.
He represents experience.
He represents pragmatism.
Most importantly, he represents the belief that politics is about winning.
Anthony Russo comes from a different world.
Like many younger conservative voices, he built his profile outside the traditional political establishment. His audience was not created through party organizations, consultants, or lobbyists. It was built online, directly with grassroots conservatives who increasingly distrust institutions, political insiders, and professional consultants.
He represents authenticity. But most conservatives don’t agree with his methods. he is a member of a fringe group.
He represents frustration.
Most importantly, he represents the belief that politics should be about principles first and strategy second.
Neither side is entirely right.
Neither side is entirely wrong.
Niether men have never been elected for public office.
The problem is that modern conservatism increasingly needs both.
Movements require activists.
Governments require professionals.
One brings raw energy. The other brings execution.
The tension emerges when either side starts believing it can succeed without the other.
Grassroots activists often underestimate how difficult it is to build winning coalitions. The political graveyard is filled with movements that had passion but lacked discipline.
At the same time, establishment strategists often underestimate how quickly grassroots supporters can withdraw trust when they believe insiders are protecting their own interests.
This dynamic has become increasingly visible across conservative politics in Canada, the United States, and Europe.
The old gatekeepers no longer control the conversation.
A smartphone and a social media account can build influence faster than a party executive committee.
That reality makes people like Anthony Russo impossible to ignore.
But influence and effectiveness are not always the same thing.
The risk for Russo is that constant attacks eventually become counterproductive. If every disagreement becomes a public war, people begin to focus on personalities rather than principles. The audience becomes exhausted. The message gets lost.
The risk for Teneycke is different.
The more establishment figures dismiss grassroots concerns, the more they reinforce the belief that ordinary members are not being heard.
History suggests that neither side ultimately wins these fights.
The winners are those who learn to work together.
Conservatives who want to form governments need the strategic expertise of people like Kory Teneycke.
They also need the passion and grassroots energy represented by voices like Anthony Russo.
Without the first, they lose elections.
Without the second, they lose movements.
The real question is not whether Russo is right about Teneycke.
Nor is it whether Teneycke is right about Russo.
The real question is whether conservatives can bridge the widening gap between the grassroots and the establishment before that divide becomes permanent.
Because if they cannot, the people celebrating the loudest won’t be conservatives at all.
It will be their political opponents.
Editorial note: This Opinion is written as a political opinion piece rather than a personal attack on either individual and focuses on the broader implications for conservative politics in Canada, and its future.
OPINIONS
Four Weeks Later: The BC Conservatives Have a Leader. Now They Need a Plan.
By Chad Dashly | The Current
Four months of debates, membership drives, endorsements, social media skirmishes, fundraising pitches, and enough internal drama to fuel a reality television series, members elected Kerry-Lynne Findlay as leader of the BC Conservative Party.
The question now isn’t who won.
It’s what happens next.
Leadership races are about ambition. Governing parties are about discipline. Opposition parties hoping to become governments need both.
The BC Conservatives find themselves in an unusual position. For the first time in decades, they are no longer simply a protest movement, a coalition of frustrated voters, or a vehicle for dissatisfaction with the NDP. They are now the Official Opposition and a legitimate contender for government.
That changes everything.
The leadership race exposed both the strengths and weaknesses of the party. On one hand, thousands of new members joined. Volunteers worked tirelessly. Candidates travelled every corner of British Columbia. The race demonstrated that the party has energy, ideas, and grassroots support.
On the other hand, it also revealed divisions that cannot be ignored.
Supporters of Caroline Elliott, Peter Milobar, Yuri Fulmer, Iain Black, Harman Bhangu and others all entered the race with different visions for the future. Some wanted a more populist movement. Others wanted a government-in-waiting. Some emphasized grassroots activism while others focused on economic competence.
Now those factions must become one team.
Because David Eby is not going to defeat himself.
The NDP remains vulnerable on issues that matter to British Columbians: affordability, housing, healthcare access, public safety, addiction, and economic competitiveness. Families continue to struggle with rising costs. Businesses face mounting regulatory burdens. Resource communities worry about their future.
Yet vulnerability does not automatically translate into defeat.
The greatest danger facing the BC Conservatives today is believing that public frustration with the government is enough.
It isn’t.
Voters eventually ask a simple question:
“If not them, then who?”
And increasingly they follow that question with another:
“Can they actually govern?”
That is the challenge before Kerry-Lynne Findlay.
Her immediate task is not ideological. It is organizational.
She must unify the caucus.
She must build a professional campaign structure.
She must recruit credible candidates.
She must expand the donor base.
And perhaps most importantly, she must convince British Columbians that the Conservatives are more than a movement—they are a government-in-waiting.
That means fewer internal battles and more external focus.
British Columbians don’t spend much time thinking about party constitutions, executive elections, nomination disputes, or leadership rivalries. Political insiders obsess over these things. Voters do not.
Voters care about emergency rooms.
They care about housing costs.
They care about whether their children can afford to stay in British Columbia.
They care about crime, taxes, and economic opportunity.
The party that addresses those concerns most effectively will win the next election.
The good news for Conservatives is that they have time.
The next provincial election is not tomorrow.
There is an opportunity to heal divisions, refine policy, strengthen local riding associations, and present a united vision.
The bad news is that time moves quickly in politics.
The honeymoon period following a leadership victory rarely lasts long.
Sooner or later, the media, political opponents, and voters begin asking tougher questions.
What is the plan?
Who is on the team?
How will it be paid for?
What would a Conservative government actually look like?
Those answers must come sooner rather than later.
Four weeks after the leadership race, the BC Conservatives stand at a crossroads.
One path leads toward unity, professionalism, and electoral credibility.
The other leads toward factionalism, score-settling, and missed opportunity.
The choice belongs to the party.
The opportunity belongs to British Columbia.
And the clock is already ticking.
OPINIONS
Canada—and British Columbia especially—feels like it’s standing at a crossroads.
Opinion by Chad Dashly
People are tired. Not just politically tired. Financially tired. Emotionally tired. Tired of working harder every year only to watch groceries climb, housing drift further out of reach, and small businesses struggle under the weight of taxes, regulation, and uncertainty.
And while regular people tighten their belts, governments keep acting like the solution to every problem is another announcement, another consultant, another bureaucracy.
The disconnect is growing.
You can feel it when young people quietly admit they may never own a home in the communities where they grew up. You can feel it when seniors choose between prescriptions and groceries. You can feel it when small business owners—the backbone of every town in this province—wonder whether it’s still worth the risk to keep going.
British Columbians are not asking for miracles. They are asking for competence. Stability. Common sense.
That is why political movements across Canada are changing so quickly right now. People are no longer satisfied with polished talking points and carefully scripted politics. They want leaders who understand what it feels like to run payroll, balance a household budget, or worry about the future their kids are inheriting.
The rise of grassroots conservative energy in BC is not happening because people suddenly became angry overnight. It is happening because many voters feel ignored by institutions that no longer seem connected to everyday life.
And here’s the reality many political insiders still fail to understand: this isn’t just about ideology anymore. It’s about trust.
Trust that governments will spend responsibly.
Trust that public safety matters.
Trust that hard work still means something.
Trust that communities—not just political brands—come first.
At the same time, conservatives also face a choice. Winning frustration is easy. Building confidence is harder.
British Columbians do not want endless outrage. They want steady leadership. They want solutions that lower the temperature instead of raising it. They want leaders who can disagree without dividing neighbours against each other.
The next phase of politics in BC will belong to the people who understand both sides of that equation:
- the frustration people feel,
- and the hope they still want to believe in.
Because despite everything, British Columbians remain remarkably resilient. Communities still show up for each other. Volunteers still carry organizations that governments alone cannot replace. Entrepreneurs still take risks. Families still sacrifice to build something better.
That spirit is still here.
The question now is whether political leadership can catch up to the people it is supposed to serve.anada—and British Columbia especially—feels like it’s standing at a crossroads.
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